Conjunction/Disjunction-Negation Scope Interaction under VP Ellipsis/Substitution and Stripping

This paper investigates scope interaction between negative elements and syndetic coordination in both anaphoric and non-anaphoric contexts. Specifically, we will go over how negation and coordinated constituents interact and yield relevant interpretation in anaphoric contexts such as VP ellipsis, substitution and Stripping, and non-anaphoric contexts. Based on the readings obtained in a variety of contexts, we reach the following three generalizations. [1] When a coordinated phrase is included in VP ellipsis or substitution, negation in this VP ellipsis/substitution preferentially yields a ‘neither’ reading. [2] Negation in Stripping contexts directly denies the meaning of the coordinators. [3] VPs in negative anaphoric contexts preserve the identical parallel scope when the preceding clausal negation preferentially produces a ‘not both’ reading in combination with conjunction; the preceding and the following negative clauses unmarkedly give rise to a ‘neither’ reading in the presence of disjunction. These generalizations suggest that De Morgan’s laws do not account for natural languages as they do work for propositional logic (cf. Gribanova 2013, Krivochen 2019).