Syntactic Sensitivity to Binomial Each in Korean Learners of English

This study examines Korean learners’ sensitivity to the syntactic licensing conditions underlying Binomial each (BE) constructions, a domain that critically involves C-command relations for grammatical acceptability. In BE constructions, correct interpretation requires recognizing that the distributive quantifier each must be properly C-commanded by its antecedent. When such structures appear in ellipsis contexts such as sluicing, where parts of the sentence are missing, recovering the correct syntactic configuration becomes even more challenging. Building on theoretical distinctions between structural and non-structural approaches to ellipsis, the study employed a Grammaticality Judgment Task (GJT) to assess learners’ sensitivity to C-command relations across fully-fledged declarative and sluicing sentences. Data were collected from 61 Korean L2 learners of English and 38 native English speakers. Three main findings emerged. First, L2 learners exhibited reduced structural sensitivity compared to native speakers, even when full syntactic information was available. Second, sensitivity weakened further in sluicing contexts, suggesting increased reliance on semantic plausibility when structural cues were absent. Third, proficiency modulated structural sensitivity: high-proficiency learners showed greater awareness of syntactic constraints, although their performance did not fully approximate native-like patterns. These results indicate that while L2 learners develop some structural competence, their ability to coordinate syntactic and discourse-level information during ellipsis resolution remains less stable. The findings highlight persistent challenges in acquiring syntax-discourse interface phenomena in a second language.